By The Associated Press title I’m not a sociologist.
But I am an architect.
By Associated Press writer Chris Kelly article It’s the end of the semester, and I’m getting ready for a meeting with my professors to talk about my upcoming master’s thesis.
The professor, whose name I don’t remember, asks, “What’s your research topic?”
“It’s sociology,” I say, “and I’m really interested in the sociology of race and racism.”
The professor pauses.
“It sounds like you’re really into that stuff,” he says, as if I have some hidden agenda.
I have no idea what he means.
What is sociology?
Sociology is the study of society and the way it works.
It is the science of human beings, the study and study of how we make decisions about our lives.
Sociology’s greatest strength is its capacity to explain complex systems of interaction and social relations.
Sociologists have a wealth of information about our world, and they use this knowledge to understand how we interact with others and how we think.
Sociologies can also offer insights into social and political issues, especially in times of social and economic distress.
But as sociologists, we have an important responsibility to educate ourselves about how to apply our knowledge to the challenges we face as a society.
In many ways, the field of sociology has become more mainstream over the past few decades, thanks to the efforts of sociographers like Steven Pinker and John Gottman, whose groundbreaking work on prejudice, racism, and privilege helped lay the groundwork for the emergence of critical race theory.
Pinker’s landmark 1992 book The Better Angels of Our Nature (which he later published as Race and IQ) is often regarded as a turning point in the history of sociology.
It’s a classic work that lays bare the ugly and the ugly side of humanity.
It has influenced countless subsequent books and, more recently, films, including Moonlight, which was released in 2017.
Pinkers book was one of the first books to make the case that racism is not just the product of a cultural misunderstanding but a biological imperative.
The idea that we can’t see the world as it really is because of our biology has become a central part of Pinkers thinking.
But for a long time, there was little data to support Pinker or his ideas.
Sociological research was largely based on small samples, which often included the wrong questions and did not adequately control for bias.
In the late 1990s, a new field of sociological research began to emerge, focused on analyzing data on attitudes toward race and class in the United States.
As sociocultural studies emerged, the focus on social and racial differences, which sociometers traditionally studied through surveys, began to be challenged.
It became clear that race and social class were not merely a function of our genetics, but were the result of society’s interactions with us, and not just a matter of biology.
But the idea that racism, or any other social problem, is rooted in our biology and that it’s not just an issue of our genes has remained largely untouched by sociological theory.
What sociologist Steven Pinkers new book does is provide a new, more detailed and nuanced account of how social class and race interact.
The work Pinkers does has been embraced by sociologians.
But a number of sociologist’s argue that Pinker is oversimplifying the relationship between biology and social classes, and that his account of the genetic and biological basis of prejudice and prejudice-based thinking is not sufficient to explain the phenomena he describes.
The sociology of prejudice The most significant sociological work to come out of Pinkers work on racism, according to sociology scholars, was his landmark 1991 book, The Better Angels of Our Natural History: A Social History of the World.
This book was widely cited as the beginning of the movement to understand the origins of prejudice, which at the time was largely understood as stemming from evolutionary psychology, the science that considers human traits like race and intelligence.
Evolutionary psychologists have long argued that our brains and our social systems have evolved to cope with a variety of human challenges.
In this new, sophisticated way, human societies were designed to accommodate the diversity of life on Earth.
Evolutionarily speaking, however, we don’t live in the evolutionary “natural” world, but in the social “natural,” the world we evolved to be part of, the world of our own species.
Evolution, in this way, has no place in the understanding of racism, which arose when human societies became so diverse and unequal that our genes had to evolve to cope.
Pinkner’s book is a crucial part of the evolutionary story of racism.
Its goal is to explain how the social system that evolved to accommodate human diversity became biased against us.
As the book’s subtitle suggests, Pinkers is interested in understanding why people of different races have different ways of looking at the world.